This was written in response to a friend's comment on facebook. Published here because I hate reading long comments on facebook.
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I think there are
two big differences between our discourse on housing policy and that with
health care.
First, the external
context for the latter was much more objectively defined. Health care had been the topic of extended
national debate. There was tremendous
literature on health care reform, from academics to journalists and everyone in
between. Many of those people were
self-consciously working to inform public debate, people like Aaron Carroll and
Uwe Reinhardt put a lot of work into translating research results and policy
discussion into layman's terms. You and
I could draw on that, it wasn't just "I think…". Finally, when we began discussions the ACA
was law, we never dealt with mutually exclusive choices where doing one thing
necessarily implied not doing something else.
We also never confronted value choices like universal coverage vs.
affordable care for the very sick, the ACA set the table.
None of that is the
case with housing policy. I find the
literature sparse and of limited scope, and the only people promoting it in
public discourse are advocates of one policy or another. There's nothing objective to connect
with. And with that material we confront
a vaster problem, the gulf between "what is" and "what should
be" is bigger with housing.
For example, even before health care reform we had backstops, anyone could walk into
an ER and receive life sustaining care.
We didn't have bodies in the street.
That's clearly not the case with housing. A bigger problem means bigger solutions, and
more variability in preferred courses of action.
The second
difference is that with health care, I thought both the state and the country
were going in the right direction.
Political debate was focused on how best to expand access to care, there
was no voice of significance arguing that we needed less access to care, or
that some people should get care and others should not. I'd liken health care discourse to a river
that, while it had rocks and other hidden dangers that could turn over the unwary, would sooner or later get everyone to the right place. In contrast, I think the housing discourse in
Portland is headed to a terrible place.
Two groups have
dominated that discourse in recent years.
One is a large chunk of people interested in nothing other than
preserving the economic exclusivity of their neighborhoods. The other is a smaller chunk of people who
think the problem isn't that there's not enough housing, but that the wrong
people get it. They want to take housing
away from some people and give it to others.
Those two groups define political discourse in Portland, every code or
policy proposal related to housing since Sam Adams left office served one group
or the other. Needless to say, I think
both groups are wrong. To go with the
flow, to not contest the bogus assumptions (less housing means lower prices! people can't live without cars!) and questionable values (I should be able to dictate the economic class of my neighbors!) they rely
on, is to accept a more racially and economically exclusive Portland. I don't want that.
At the bottom, I
suspect we have fundamentally different ideas on what a community should do to
define itself. I'd call one way a negative approach, to exclude those who don't
conform. How do you maintain a
neighborhood of Amish people? You refuse
to allow residency to anyone who isn't Amish.
That negative approach is conservative and reactive, at best
it preserves what is. It relies on
authority rather than consent. It is
sterile, incapable of building anew.
As you might guess,
I think the negative approach is intensely undesirable, I'd go so far as to say
it's a recipe for community self-destruction.
Such a community lasts only so long as it attracts sufficient members,
and as soon as its authority or self-definition is violated it becomes
meaningless. White city
neighborhoods that spilled blood resisting integration only to crumble away
into suburban flight are an example.
The alternative is a
positive approach, to promote public community institutions and traditions that
are open to all. Things like parks,
schools, and community groups can include residents regardless of demographics. They can
demonstrate to residents what they can do, and why they should care. That approach creates a two-way conversation,
it continually challenges groups to show their relevancy and adapt as
necessary. It doesn't just maintain but
increases the public good by bringing an interest to people who wouldn't
otherwise be exposed to it, and in turn by being exposed to new ideas and
challenges that exclusion wouldn't allow.
I think the positive approach, building more good, is what Portland desperately needs. I think that's how Portland should respond to growth. Not by putting up walls, but by embracing people and showing them who we are.
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